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tfraser@tstt.net.tt
1990
coup bid: what role pnm and unc?
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What of the actions of Patrick
Manning and Basdeo Panday?
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Both leader asbsence from Parliament that day.
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Abu Bakr campaigns for UNC and PNM in different elec-tions.
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He has received millions from State for his act.
In
concluding this four-part series on my first-hand involvement
as reporter in the attempted coup of July 1990, an obvious
question is to be asked: how did the major political leaders
do, by way of demonstrating patriotism, courage, and whatever
contribution to bring an end to the assault on the democracy
of T&T by Yasin Abu Bakr and his Jamaat al Muslimeen?
It is well-known that Prime Minister ANR Robinson, with
a gun at his head requiring him to call off the security
forces, shouted, Attack with full force.
What of the actions of Basdeo Panday and Patrick Manning
who led the two opposition parties in the Parliamentthe
United National Congress and the Peoples National
Movement?
There have been allegations over the years by coup-maker
Bakr that Panday and Manning had foreknowledge of the events
and were advised to stay away from the Red House, seat of
the national Parliament.
Both were absent from the chamber on the day Bakr launched
his madcap adventure which brought violence to the society,
mayhem and destruction to the city.
Bakr, however, has not presented compelling substantiation
to support his claim.
However, the actions of the two, during and after the six-day
siege, have been played out in public and are therefore
well known. Those actions pose serious questions to the
two major political figures of the last 17 years to answer
about love of country and preparedness to put the interest
of nation before narrow party and electoral considerations.
On this years anniversary of the event, former prime
minister and president Robinson recalled that Mr Pandays
reaction was his now infamous quip, Wake me up when
its over; while Mr Manning wanted the country
to see the assault on Parliament and democracy as being
a disagreement between friends.
When Bakr, during the siege, called for something he referred
to as a national government, the PNMs response came
when the army had taken control of the situation and it
was safe to say that the PNM would not be a part of such
a government.
Panday was probably still sleeping.
Bakr had concocted a plan to fashion a government to be
headed by Winston Dookeran, with himself as minister of
national security, with participation from all the other
major parties.
Dookerans moment of embarrassment came when, in the
face of the overwhelming evidence that an amnesty had been
signed between the NAR via the acting President, Emanuel
Carter, he confronted the local and international media
after the hostages had emerged out of their places of captivity
seeking to sell the line of a surrender, no
amnesty!
The international media broke into fits of laughter, having
received credible reports from this and other journalists
on the amnesty.
Ramesh Maharaj, who later came to office, headed for Gre-nada
and later became lawyer for Bakr.
But if Dookerans was an attempt to save face for his
party for having agreed to negotiate the amnesty, the actions
of the PNM and the UNC in their campaigns for government
and what their leaders did when they became prime minister
are open for review and contemplation.
Let me remind you. In the quest for office in 1995, Panday
and the UNC received and accepted the campaigning assistance
of Bakr and his group. The St Joseph seat exemplifies the
point.
Early results suggested the PNM incumbent would be returned.
However, at the last moment results came from a corner of
the constituency where the Muslimeen had campaigned heavily
for the UNC, and the seat swung to Pandays party and
placed him in a position to form a coalition government
with Robinsons Tobago NAR.
The video and still pictures exist of Prime Minister Panday
welcoming Bakr and his delegation to his officeit
was said that Bakr and the group were the first guests of
Prime Minister Panday; that was not denied.
But Bakrs payment did not only take the form of ceremonial
photo ops. The first hold he and his group got on public
works programmes was allowed by the UNC Government.
As a reporter covering the PNMs victory celebration,
I witnessed Bakr and half a dozen or so of his men presenting
themselves on the night of the 2001 general election in
the yard of Balisier House.
Hands folded, not saying a word, Bakr made it known that
he and the Muslimeen had contributed to the PNMs victory
and were looking forward to their share of the spoils.
Once again the URP was the source of repayment for support.
But the situation reached almost a national controversy
when Prime Minister Manning announced he had no problem
with handing over the entire portion of the Mucurapo lands
claimed by the Muslimeen to Bakr and his men.
An emergency news conference at the Prime Ministers
residence was called to announce a change of heart, wiser
counsel having obviously prevailed.
As with the UNC, a falling out occurred as Bakrs demands
increased. Incidentally, and ironically, Panday has always
charged that Muslimeen muscle in places such as Mayaro put
the PNM in office in 2001.
A senior member of the Jamaat al Muslimeen explained to
the media that Panday was suffering from tabanca, the Jamaat
having dumped him for Manning.
Without seeking to make a hero of Bakr, he has cleverly
manipulated the leaders of the two major political parties
to achieve his own ends; he has outwitted both into serving-up
state resources to his group.
When it meets his purpose, Bakr has indicted Panday and
Manning with having prior knowledge of his violent attempt
on the democracy of the country.
He has received millions of dollars from the State for carrying
out this act and paid not a penny for his destruction.
It is clear there are those with personal interests in keeping
this story from being told at a commission of enquiry. Moreover,
the political culture with its fixation on race has allowed
leaders to assume office without accounting for their actions
in July 1990.
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