Wednesday 13th August ,2008

 
Tony Fraser
 
 
 
 
Sports Arena
Womanwise
Business Guardian
 
Letters
Online Community
Death Notices
 
Advertising
Classified Ads
Jobs in T&T
Contact Us
 
Archives
Privacy Policy
 
 
 

tfraser@tstt.net.tt

1990 coup bid: what role pnm and unc?

  • What of the actions of Patrick Manning and Basdeo Panday?
  • Both leader asbsence from Parliament that day.
  • Abu Bakr campaigns for UNC and PNM in different elec-tions.
  • He has received millions from State for his act.

In concluding this four-part series on my first-hand involvement as reporter in the attempted coup of July 1990, an obvious question is to be asked: how did the major political leaders do, by way of demonstrating patriotism, courage, and whatever contribution to bring an end to the assault on the democracy of T&T by Yasin Abu Bakr and his Jamaat al Muslimeen?

It is well-known that Prime Minister ANR Robinson, with a gun at his head requiring him to call off the security forces, shouted, “Attack with full force.”

What of the actions of Basdeo Panday and Patrick Manning who led the two opposition parties in the Parliament—the United National Congress and the People’s National Movement?

There have been allegations over the years by coup-maker Bakr that Panday and Manning had foreknowledge of the events and were advised to stay away from the Red House, seat of the national Parliament. 

Both were absent from the chamber on the day Bakr launched his madcap adventure which brought violence to the society, mayhem and destruction to the city.

Bakr, however, has not presented compelling substantiation to support his claim.

However, the actions of the two, during and after the six-day siege, have been played out in public and are therefore well known. Those actions pose serious questions to the two major political figures of the last 17 years to answer about love of country and preparedness to put the interest of nation before narrow party and electoral considerations.

On this year’s anniversary of the event, former prime minister and president Robinson recalled that Mr Panday’s reaction was his now infamous quip, “Wake me up when it’s over;” while Mr Manning wanted the country to see the assault on Parliament and democracy as being “a disagreement between friends.”

When Bakr, during the siege, called for something he referred to as a national government, the PNM’s response came when the army had taken control of the situation and it was safe to say that the PNM would not be a part of such a government.

Panday was probably still sleeping.

Bakr had concocted a plan to fashion a government to be headed by Winston Dookeran, with himself as minister of national security, with participation from all the other major parties.  

Dookeran’s moment of embarrassment came when, in the face of the overwhelming evidence that an amnesty had been signed between the NAR via the acting President, Emanuel Carter, he confronted the local and international media after the hostages had emerged out of their places of captivity seeking to sell the line of a “surrender,” “no amnesty!”

The international media broke into fits of laughter, having received credible reports from this and other journalists on the amnesty.

Ramesh Maharaj, who later came to office, headed for Gre-nada and later became lawyer for Bakr.

But if Dookeran’s was an attempt to save face for his party for having agreed to negotiate the amnesty, the actions of the PNM and the UNC in their campaigns for government and what their leaders did when they became prime minister are open for review and contemplation.

Let me remind you. In the quest for office in 1995, Panday and the UNC received and accepted the campaigning assistance of Bakr and his group. The St Joseph seat exemplifies the point.

Early results suggested the PNM incumbent would be returned. However, at the last moment results came from a corner of the constituency where the Muslimeen had campaigned heavily for the UNC, and the seat swung to Panday’s party and placed him in a position to form a coalition government with Robinson’s Tobago NAR.  

The video and still pictures exist of Prime Minister Panday welcoming Bakr and his delegation to his office—it was said that Bakr and the group were the first guests of Prime Minister Panday; that was not denied.

But Bakr’s payment did not only take the form of ceremonial photo ops. The first hold he and his group got on public works programmes was allowed by the UNC Government.

As a reporter covering the PNM’s victory celebration, I witnessed Bakr and half a dozen or so of his men presenting themselves on the night of the 2001 general election in the yard of Balisier House.

Hands folded, not saying a word, Bakr made it known that he and the Muslimeen had contributed to the PNM’s victory and were looking forward to their share of the spoils.

Once again the URP was the source of repayment for support. But the situation reached almost a national controversy when Prime Minister Manning announced he had no problem with handing over the entire portion of the Mucurapo lands claimed by the Muslimeen to Bakr and his men.

An emergency news conference at the Prime Minister’s residence was called to announce a change of heart, wiser counsel having obviously prevailed.

As with the UNC, a falling out occurred as Bakr’s demands increased. Incidentally, and ironically, Panday has always charged that Muslimeen muscle in places such as Mayaro put the PNM in office in 2001.

A senior member of the Jamaat al Muslimeen explained to the media that Panday was suffering from tabanca, the Jamaat having dumped him for Manning.

Without seeking to make a hero of Bakr, he has cleverly manipulated the leaders of the two major political parties to achieve his own ends; he has outwitted both into serving-up state resources to his group.

When it meets his purpose, Bakr has indicted Panday and Manning with having prior knowledge of his violent attempt on the democracy of the country.

He has received millions of dollars from the State for carrying out this act and paid not a penny for his destruction.

It is clear there are those with personal interests in keeping this story from being told at a commission of enquiry. Moreover, the political culture with its fixation on race has allowed leaders to assume office without accounting for their actions in July 1990.

©2005-2006 Trinidad Publishing Company Limited

Designed by: Randall Rajkumar-Maharaj · Updated daily by: Sheahan Farrell