|
Four
regional Prime Ministers sign a Memorandum of Understanding
last Thursday at The Diplomatic Centre, Prime Ministers
Residence, St Anns, pledging to establish a political
and economic union among their countries.
Failed
FEDERATION: In 1962, one country, Jamaica, withdrew from
a budding West Indian Federation, inevitably leading to
its collapse.
One
from ten leaves nought, was the prophetic declaration
by T&Ts then Prime Minister Dr Eric Williams.
With T&T following Jamaicas lead, the initiative
established just four years before, was history.
The Federation was established by the British Caribbean
Federation Act of 1956 with the aim of executing a political
union among its members.
It comprised ten territories: Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados,
Dominica, Grenada, Jamaica (to which were attached the Cayman
Islands and Turks and Caicos Islands as dependencies), Montserrat,
Saint Christopher-Nevis-Anguilla (present day Saint Kitts
and Nevis and Anguilla), Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and
the Grenadines and T&T.
BY
ASHA JAVEED
ashajaveed@yahoo.com
Patrick Manning, Prime Minister, profound integrationist.
That was how Dr Ralph Gonsalves, Prime Minister of St Vincent
and the Grenadines, described T&Ts leader last
week as four regional prime ministers talked about Caribbean
unification.
Manning is attempting to resuscitate this initiative, which
began in 1958 with the formation of the West Indian Federation
which ended four years later.
The announcement was made last Thursday at a meeting at
the Diplomatic Centre, Prime Ministers Residence,
St Anns.
Manning has already courted the prime ministers of Grenada,
Tillman Thomas; St Lucia, Stephenson King and St Vincent
and the Grenadines, Gonsalves.
The four prime ministers signed a Memorandum of Understanding
backing Mannings ambitious plan: to establish a Caribbean
Single Economy (CSE) x modeled after the European Union
(EU) by 2011 and to have political integration by 2013.
By 2011, he will still be T&Ts elected leader
and quite possibly the CSEs champion.
Political journalist, Ricky Singh, said the announcement
could be viewed with a wide yawn.
Needless
to say, none of the quartet that commendably favours regional
political unity is known to have a national mandate to pursue
political union in any form - confederation, federation,
unitary state or else, he said.
Is the time right for the Caribbean to be regionally integrated,
politically and economically?
The dust has cleared from regional elections
over the past year with new leaders being elected in Jamaica
(Bruce Golding), Barbados (David Thompson) and Grenada (Thomas).
Gonsalves has been in power since 2001 and King since 2005.
It
is clear for the first time that we have leaders in the
Caribbean who want to commit to political integration as
opposed to anything else, said Manning.
Asked governments view on Jamaica, which would not
agree to a political union in Caricom, Manning said:
We
said that we dont think that we will get to Caricom
economic integration by 2015 in the form in which we want
it to.
Manning added that the issue was not just with Jamaica,
but several other countries.
Gonsalves noted that while some people may have integration
fatigue it does not diminish the nobility of the cause.
But the cause, 46 years in the making, is loosing the lusture
of its nobility.
In 2003, Manning began looking at options to enhance regional
integration. A consultation on Options for Governance to
Deepen the Integration Process was held in T&T in February
13, 2003. This consultation yielded several recommendations
which were considered by the 14th inter-sessional meeting
of Caricom Heads of Government.
A major recommendation called for the establishment of institutions
required to accelerate the pace of integration, in particular
a Caricom Commission-type arrangement as proposed by the
West Indian Commission in 1992. An expert group, chaired
by Gonsalves, was established to make a proposal on how
best to deepen relations.
Mannings announcement comes at a time when regional
integration appears to have stalled somewhat as islands
pursue their own nationalistic agendas. Caricom, one commentator
noted, is little more than a community of sovereign
states.
In June, Gonsalves said Caricom would soon be forced to
transform itself from a ramshackle political-administrative
apparatus that allows several of its member
states (to) jealously guard a vaunted and pristine sovereignty.
He blamed the politics of a limited regional engagement
in Jamaica, shackled by the ghosts from the Federal referendum;
the politics of ethnicity in T&T and Guyana; a mistaken
sense of uniqueness and separation among large sections
of the Barbadian populace; the peculiar distinctiveness
of Haiti and Suriname; and the cultivated aloofness from
the regional enterprise by the Bahamas for the present
situation.
He said the realisation of a common monetary policy for
Caricom, similar to the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean
States (OECS) and an integrated judiciary, is a distant
dream as well.
Manning said T&T could not stay aloof from
the OECS countries as they make steps toward establishing
a single economy.
Finding
balance
Eric
Williams, at the first meeting of Heads of Government of
the Commonwealth Caribbean, held in T&T in 1963:
Small
countries like ours encounter great difficulty in establishing
their influence in the world dominated by power and regional
associations. This general difficulty is aggravated in our
case by centuries of subordination to outside control which
has given rise to a view not uncommon outside of the West
Indies that we are satellites by nature and exist only to
serve as pawns to outside countries. We have, therefore,
no alternative but to seek against the background of our
common history and traditions, to make common cause against
the unfortunate tendency to regard us for all time as hewers
of wood and drawers of water for other people.
What
we put to the meeting is that all the countries that so
desire should seek to move to the creation of an economic
space in the Caribbean by 2011, he said.
Norman Girvan, international relations lecturer at the University
of the West Indies (UWI), agreed that Mannings initiative
was a rather ambitious one.
He said that the region needed to co-ordinate macro-economic
policies, establish a monetary union, harmonise policies
in labour and establish company law. This, he said, is difficult
to achieve in the short space of time as wide consultation
is necessary.
He said the lesson to be learnt from the establishment and
success of the OECS, is the need to involve the population
to the maximum.
Girvan, in an article published in Antigua on June 30, titled
Caribbean: Regional unity losing steam, critics say
warned of a possible collapse of Caricom, if regional leaders
failed to put in place mechanisms to enforce decisions regarding
the integration process.
Girvan was quoted as saying that the 15-member grouping
had become stagnant due mainly to a lack of implementing
decisions.
Ive
been a committed integrationist all my life but I have to
call it as I see it...to be brutally frank and realistic
about it, I see a real danger of disintegration. We are
at a juncture, he had said.
Were
still clinging to the insular sovereignty that, in my opinion,
is largely fictitious because in the modern world, states
of our size simply cannot expect to have any real sovereignty.
The
forces of globalisation, the fact of our small size, the
fact of our trade dependency, the fact of our military weakness,
all of these things make it virtually impossible for our
small island states to have any real sovereignty,
he said.
He admitted on Monday that Mannings timing was a positive
step.
Its
a start. Its an intention to start. If you looked
at the EU, it started with a couple of countries and different
countries signed in at different points in time, he
said.
Manning was expected to travel yesterday with Thomas to
Antigua and Barbuda, St Kitts and Nevis and Dominica in
a bit of shuttle diplomacy aimed at persuading their leaders
to sign the MOU.
Being integrated
Professor Vaughn Lewis, former secretary general of the
OECS, said that in the movement to Caribbean integration
there were a long list of unavoidable errors.
Lewis perception is that these errors can be avoided
40 years later.
All
the odds are open. We have to investigate. Some of us have
ideas about certain things and see what is the most appropriate
at this time, he said.
He said a political apparatus needed to be established to
manage the single market and economy.
My
own view is that the single economy we are looking for will
not be able to proceed if we are using the same decision
making tools of Caricom.
He said that a political union, not envisioned until 2015,
would revolve around two issues: how to make decisions effectively
and how to present the region to the international community.
The
issue is whether we will have the ingenuity like the EU
years ago to find an appropriate way to instigate a unified
implementation apparatus, he said.
Dr Kerry Sumar-Rai, lecturer at the University of the West
Indies(UWI) said that while the talk of regional integration
is being bandied about, there are several advantages and
disadvantages to being economically and politically integrated.
Consider that in 1963, Jamaicas reasons for withdrawing
from the Federation included its geographical location,
the fact that its share of the seats in the Federal Parliament
was smaller than its share of the total population and it
was believed that the smaller islands were draining Jamaicas
wealth.
In 2008, T&Ts economy supercedes that of its neighbours
and while the majority of them depend on Venezuelan leader
Hugo Chavezs Petro Caribe Initiative, T&T is energy-independent.
Gonsalves has criticised reports that the OECS is
milking T&T.
Sumar-Rai said that the Governments support of the
Eastern Caribbean Gas Pipeline (ECGP) was a tool it could
leverage to its neighbours to break Chavezs stronghold
on the Caribbean.
The US$550 million,176-mile pipeline is expected to be built
from Cove Point, Tobago, to Barbados with the intention
that it be continued through the French islands of Martinique
and Guadeloupe and St Lucia, the other destinations for
the pipeline.
First mooted in 2002 and described as a pipedream, the pipeline
was conceived to serve seven Caribbean islands: Barbados,
Grenada, St Vincent, St Lucia, Martinique, Guadeloupe and
Dominica all stressed by high fuel prices.
Manning has assured that a political union with countries
of the OECS would not be inconsistent, although such countries
have signed on to the PetroCaribe Initiative.
It
is not inconsistent. T&T took actions to facilitate
the signing on the PetroCaribe, Manning said.
Sumar-Rai said that issues surrounding economic integration
would have to include a meaningful dialogue on sharing of
resources.
Politically, he noted that several of the Caribbean countries
have both a prime minister and a president while Guyana
has an executive president.
He pointed out that if the Caribbean was united in the 2008
Beijing Olympics rather than entered as individual countries,
it would have present a formidable team.
The most obvious issue, for Sumar-Rai, though, is how would
the smaller islands react to T&Ts entrepreneurs
having access to their markets.
How
do we find a balance? he asked.
Lewis said that there needs to be a rationalisation of what
exists: air travel, security and maritime relations.
These
are the realities of changing regional economy, he
said.
Canute James, acting director of the Caribbean Institute
of Mass Communications (Carimac), University of the West
Indies (UWI), Mona, Jamaica, and former Financial Times
writer, said that regional integration would work efficiently
if there is:
1. Free movement of capital: for example, getting the regional
stock exchange up and functioning properly;
2. Free movement of skills: which would create a region-wide
job market;
3. Investment treaties and common fiscal incentives so businesses
can find the optimal location based on the type of business
they do;
4. Intellectual property rights agreements;
5. A single currency managed by a regional central bank
or currency board. Ironically, the OECS has this with a
common central bank.
6. Common exchange rate policies. Caricom countries now
have a range of free floats (Guyana), managed floats (Jamaica)
and fixed parity (Barbados and OECS).
7. Eliminating wide economic development differences. Per
capita income of $7,500 in Barbados is three times that
of Jamaica and 30 times that of Haiti.
8. A body to arbitrate on trade disputes among members.
This is established with the Caribbean Court of Justice,
to which T&T is not fully signed.
|